Proud anti-fascist & bird-person

  • 9 Posts
  • 126 Comments
Joined 3 years ago
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Cake day: June 12th, 2023

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  • That’s like saying “they’re not Catholic, so they’re not a real Christian.”

    It’s reductive and not particularly helpful for categorization. Coptic christians, for example, are one of the most ancient sects and they use a different version of the creed that was clarified in 381 to remove “Macedonious’ heresy against the divinity of the Holy Spirit” and again in 431 to add an introduction.

    So they don’t follow the Catholic and protestant creeds. Furthermore, most Christians couldn’t quote the thing if their life depended on it. Saying that one has to follow the creed to be a Christian makes no sense, especially when there are approximately 40 to 50 thousand discrete ways of being Christian.









  • But evangelical support for Trump was no aberration, nor was it merely a pragmatic choice. It was, rather, the culmination of evangelicals’ embrace of militant masculinity, an ideology that enshrines patriarchal authority and condones the callous display of power, at home and abroad. By the time Trump arrived proclaiming himself their savior, conservative white evangelicals had already traded a faith that privileges humility and elevates “the least of these” for one that derides gentleness as the province of wusses. Rather than turning the other cheek, they’d resolved to defend their faith and their nation, secure in the knowledge that the ends justify the means. Having replaced the Jesus of the Gospels with a vengeful warrior Christ, it’s no wonder many came to think of Trump in the same way. In 2016, many observers were stunned at evangelicals’ apparent betrayal of their own values. In reality, evangelicals did not cast their vote despite their beliefs, but because of them.

    Donald Trump did not trigger this militant turn; his rise was symptomatic of a long-standing condition. Survey data reveal the stark contours of the contemporary evangelical worldview. More than any other religious demographic in America, white evangelical Protestants support preemptive war, condone the use of torture, and favor the death penalty. They are more likely than members of other faith groups to own a gun, to believe citizens should be allowed to carry guns in most places, and to feel safer with a firearm around. White evangelicals are more opposed to immigration reform and have more negative views of immigrants than any other religious demographic; two-thirds support Trump’s border wall. Sixty-eight percent of white evangelical Protestants—more than any other demographic—do not think that the United States has a responsibility to accept refugees. More than half of white evangelical Protestants think a majority nonwhite US population would be a negative development. White evangelicals are considerably more likely than others to believe that Islam encourages violence, to refuse to see Islam as “part of mainstream American society,” and to perceive “natural conflict between Islam and democracy.” At the same time, white evangelicals believe that Christians in America face more discrimination than Muslims. White evangelicals are significantly more authoritarian than other religious groups, and they express confidence in their religious leaders at much higher rates than do members of other faiths.

    For evangelicals, domestic and foreign policy are two sides of the same coin. Christian nationalism—the belief that America is God’s chosen nation and must be defended as such—serves as a powerful predictor of intolerance toward immigrants, racial minorities, and non-Christians. It is linked to opposition to gay rights and gun control, to support for harsher punishments for criminals, to justifications for the use of excessive force against black Americans in law enforcement situations, and to traditionalist gender ideology. White evangelicals have pieced together this patchwork of issues, and a nostalgic commitment to rugged, aggressive, militant white masculinity serves as the thread binding them together into a coherent whole. A father’s rule in the home is inextricably linked to heroic leadership on the national stage, and the fate of the nation hinges on both.

    From Jesus and John Wayne: How White Evangelicals Corrupted a Faith and Fractured a Nation, by Kristen Kobes du Mez





  • They’re antisocial leeches, and they suck everything good out of the community. They horde wealth so that they can do whatever they want. They’re the worst people on earth, I don’t want them in my country.

    It’s so pathetic when people lick their boots like we need them more than they need us. They violated the social contract; they should consider themselves lucky that we don’t take all of their ill-gotten gains from them. They’re fuckin’ pirates, and not the cool kind.

    Musk and Zuckerberg exploited a lot of people for that money. They didn’t earn it.



  • Then they can fuck off to somewhere else, like maybe a visit to Titanic.

    Billionaires are inherently destabilizing to society. We’d be better off even if we took their money and just burned it in a big bonfire, because they wouldn’t be funding the reactionary fascist trash like the dickheads currently running our State.

    They didn’t earn that money, they exploited people for it. Redistributing it is the nice option. I’m sure not going to lick their boots and beg them to come exploit my State harder; it’s pathetic.